Commit f7c0f263 authored by Julie's avatar Julie

initial test baseline

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The research on which this book is based goes back now over half-a century, to when I first went to Nigeria in 1964. The five chapters of Part I are revised versions of papers published between 1987 and 2009, while those of Part II all largely
depend on research done since 2008, were written as a set, and appear here for the first time. Part II deals largely with Islam and the contemporary situation, but so much of the ground for it was laid in the earlier papers that it made
for greater completeness and coherence in the collection as a whole for them to be included. All the chapters are strongly comparative in their approach. Their thematic sequence bears the traces of an interlinked double history, between
how the religious scene. <span class="inline-note">Lorem ipsum, dolor sit amet consectetur adipisicing elit. Dicta mollitia ad molestias laudantium iste facilis doloribus at, incidunt ex laboriosam eaque enim iure sapiente vitae magnam et nihil rerum consequuntur repudiandae dolorum voluptates itaque eligendi aperiam voluptas. Eos praesentium corrupti, molestiae est dicta ipsa maxime reprehenderit. Velit possimus, quibusdam inventore ipsa quas in fugit fugiat omnis reprehenderit dolores ipsum eius voluptatum magnam non dolor, similique eaque qui repudiandae cumque consequatur? Laboriosam officia quae corrupti debitis hic consectetur unde necessitatibus, ad ipsam molestiae magnam numquam eos provident error enim, dolorum vel facere omnis veniam non! Est molestiae ea optio provident illum!</span>
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<p class="note">this is a note Lorem ipsum dolor sit, amet consectetur adipisicing elit.</p><p class="note">Ipsam maxime voluptates dignissimos molestias quia. Cum nobis deserunt consectetur ducimus aperiam?</p>
<p>Fifty years ago Nigeria was coming to the end of the first flush of its post-colonial existence, and my first book <em>Aladura </em>(1968), being a study of independent churches that emerged in the mid-colonial period, fitted in with the nationalist<em>zeitgeist </em>. Such churches were often placed within a larger literature on supposedly similar movements in other colonial settings &mdash; cargo cults, millennial and &quot;revitalization&quot; movements etc. &mdash; which saw them as &quot;religions
of the oppressed&quot;, <span class="inline-note">Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet consectetur, adipisicing elit. Repellendus repellat ipsa, maiores blanditiis laborum vel voluptatibus omnis! Qui error autem consectetur vitae fugiat commodi nulla quis praesentium atque culpa odit impedit, minima reiciendis officiis facere ea maiores provident tempora id totam dolore quam aspernatur suscipit. Sit, ad necessitatibus rem maxime animi repudiandae nulla laboriosam natus accusantium ipsam, velit qui ex cumque soluta quidem tenetur ipsa amet quos sapiente illo. In tempore aliquid deleniti animi iste totam! Est molestias dolorum quasi quas sequi. Neque aliquid laudantium quam cum provident. Modi nesciunt minima pariatur iusto, perferendis voluptatibus possimus maxime hic quibusdam sequi.</span>or applied a Marxist schema which viewed them as the immature precursors of a political nationalism which would supersede them. <a class="footnoteRef" id="fnref1" href="#fn1"><sup>1 </sup></a>Closer analysis, however,
led me to see the Aladura rather differently: &quot;nationalist&quot; in being a self-directed African initiative, but one addressed to practical and existential problems that arose from the encounter between two religions and cultures
under specific colonial conditions.
<p>What followed on from <em>Aladura </em>was strongly shaped by the review essay of it written by Robin Horton, which branched out from appreciation though critique to develop a general and influential theory of African conversion.<a class="footnoteRef" id="fnref2" href="#fn2"><sup>2 </sup></a>Horton&apos;s theory treated both colonialism and the world religions as merely catalysts of a process of cognitive adjustment grounded in indigenous terms. Its clarity and generalizability allowed
the theory to be greatly taken up, applied, confirmed, rebutted or qualified over the next twenty years. But religious change tends to be a very multi-dimensional process, and there were important aspects which his theory neglected or
underplayed. To draw these out, comparison was an essential instrument. I had previously made use of internal Yoruba comparison to throw light on the spatial patterns of conversion within Yorubaland, and now I used an external comparison
to test his theory.<a class="footnoteRef" id="fnref3" href="#fn3"><sup>3 </sup></a>This took two polities, the Ijebu-Yoruba and the better-known case of Buganda in East Africa, which both experienced mass conversion movements in the 1890s.
What that comparison showed was that beneath considerable surface differences were similar linkages of conditions and outcomes to those that Horton had proposed. But a more searching comparison, one that would not just confirm the theory
as far as it went but drive the analysis of religious change forward on a broader front, would need to be one where the conditions specified by the theory went with divergent outcomes. Such appeared to be the case when the Yoruba were
compared with the Akan of southern Ghana.
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